Change for Equality

Iran: Arbitrary arrest of Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh

Fadmin — 2010-09-07T20:28:35Z

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Description of the situation:

The Observatory has been informed by the Iranian League for the Defense of Human Rights of the arbitrary arrest of Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh, prominent human rights lawyer, known for defending juveniles facing death penalty, prisoners of conscience, human rights activists and children victims of abuse.

According to the information received, on September 4, 2010, Ms. Soutoudeh went to Evin prison court, where she had been summoned by the Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office on charges of "propaganda against the State" and "collusion and gathering with the aim of acting against national security". After her questioning by a magistrate, Ms. Sotoudeh was arrested. Her lawyer was not permitted to be present during the questioning. To date, Ms. Soutoudeh is reportedly detained in Evin prison.

A few days before her arrest, she had reported to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran how the authorities were using tax harassment against human rights lawyers in order to limit their working conditions. She gave the example of Ms. Shirin Ebadi who was subjected to the payment of a tax bill of hundreds of thousands of dollars on the money she had been granted for her Nobel Peace Prize.

On August, 28, 2010, Ms. Soutoudeh's office and home were searched by members of the services of intelligence and her assets frozen.

The Observatory expresses its deep concern about Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh's arbitrary detention and about the judicial harassment against her, which seem to merely aim at sanctioning her human rights activities, in a context of constant harassment against human rights lawyers and activists in Iran. The Observatory therefore calls upon the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release her, as well as all human rights defenders presently detained in the country.

Actions requested:

Please write to the Iranian authorities and ask them to: i. Guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh as well as all human rights defenders in Iran;

ii. Release her immediately and unconditionally, as well as all human rights defenders presently detained in the country, since their detention is arbitrary as it only aims at sanctioning their human rights activities;

iii. Put an end to acts of harassment - including at the judicial level - against them as well as against all human rights defenders in Iran; iv. Conform in any circumstances with the provisions of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, adopted on December 9, 1998 by the United Nations General Assembly, in particular:

article 1, which states that “everyone has the right, individually or in association with others, to promote the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”,

article 5(c), which reads that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, at the national and international levels, [...] to communicate with non-governmental or intergovernmental organizations”,

article 9 which notably states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, inter alia […] to offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms,

and article 12.2 which provides that “the State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration”;

v. Ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights instruments ratified by Iran.

Addresses:

· Leader of the Islamic Republic, His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei, The Office of the Supreme Leader, Shoahada Street, Qom, Islamic Republic of Iran, Faxes: + 98 21 649 5880 / 21 774 2228, Email: info@leader.ir / istiftaa@wilayah.org / webmaster@wilayah.org

· President Mr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: + 98 21 649 5880. Email: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir

· Head of the Judiciary, His Excellency Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, Ministry of Justice, Park-e Shahr, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: +98 21 879 6671 / +98 21 3 311 6567, Email: Irjpr@iranjudiciary.com

· Minister of Foreign Affairs, His Excellency Manouchehr Mottaki, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sheikh Abdolmajid Keshk-e Mesri Av, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran, Fax: + 98 21 390 1999, Email: matbuat@mfa.gov

· Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Chemin du Petit-Saconnex 28, 1209 Geneva, Switzerland, Fax: +41 22 7330203, Email: mission.iran@ties.itu.int

· Embassy of Iran in Brussels, 15 a avenue Franklin Roosevelt, 1050 Bruxelles, Belgium, Fax: + 32 2 762 39 15. Email: iran-embassy@yahoo.com

Please also write to diplomatic representations of the Islamic Republic of Iran in your respective countries.

*** Paris-Geneva, September 7, 2010

Iran Steps Up Campaign against Activists and Lawyers

Fadmin — 2010-09-07T20:16:59Z

Women's rights activist goes on trial accused of 'waging war against God', as lawyer for another activist is arrested

Iran has launched a fresh crackdown on human rights activists by arresting an outspoken Iranian lawyer and charging a young activist with "waging war against God", a crime punishable by death in Iranian law.

On Saturday Nasrin Sotoudeh, who has represented several political activists and protesters arrested in the aftermath of the disputed presidential election last summer, was arrested and charged with "propaganda against the regime" and "acting against national security".

Her husband, Reza Khandan, said Sotoudeh was recently warned by Iranian intelligence officials that she would be arrested if she continued to represent Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian Nobel Peace prize laureate and human rights activist who left Iran a day before the election. Ebadi's Tehran office was ransacked and her belongings confiscated last year.

Ebadi, who now lives in London, said Sotoudeh had been representing her in three cases, including one against the government newspaper Keyhan, which recently called Carla Bruni-Sarkozy "a prostitute" over her support for Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani, an Iranian woman sentenced to death after being convicted of adultery.

Ebadi said the latest moves were intended to send a message to human rights activists that "they have to pay a high price if they want to pursue their work in the country".

Shiva Nazar Ahari, a 26-year-old women's rights activist and a speaker for Iran's Committee of Human Rights Reporters, was put on trial on Saturday amid fears that she faces execution if convicted. The verdict is expected shortly. Her lawyer, Mohammad Sharif, said the charges against his client were based on the "false" allegation that she was linked to People's Mujahideen of Iran, an exiled Iranian opposition groupShe has denied the accusation.

Shadi Sadr, an award-winning human rights lawyer who was forced to leave Iran after the election, said the state was intent on silencing opposition. "In the absence of the media in Iran, lawyers and human rights activist have become the only reliable source of information for everybody and the recent pressure is a clear signal that Iran wants to silence this only existing source," she said. The charge of "waging war against God" – muharebeh – was originally intended to be used against armed gangs and pirates, not human rights activists, she said.

Amnesty International urged Iranian authorities to release both women. "The arrest and trial of human rights activists and lawyers – many of them women – on vaguely worded allegations is about the security forces perpetuating the climate of crisis that followed the 2009 presidential election, the outcome of which was disputed, and provides a pretext for the now year-long campaign targeting human rights groups, activists and lawyers," a statement said.

It continued: "It is a coincidence that one [Nasrin Sotoudeh] was held and the other [Shiva Nazar Ahari] tried on Saturday; it is not a coincidence that both were women; or that both were human rights activists and that they face analogous allegations."

Nazar Ahari and Sotoudeh were both members of an Iranian women's rights movement, the One Million Signature Campaign, aimed at collecting signatures from Iranians opposed to the country's discriminatory laws against women.

Release Human Rights Lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh

Fadmin — 2010-09-05T21:03:07Z

Persecuted citizens and vulnerable groups being left defenseless

The International Campaign for Human Right in Iran called for the immediate release of prominent human rights lawyer, Nasrin Sotoudeh, who was arrested at Evin prison on 4 September 2010, and for all charges against her to be dropped.

Sotoudeh is a leading human rights lawyer widely respected for her efforts on behalf of juveniles facing the death penalty and for her defense of prisoners of conscience. Sotoudeh, a mother of two, had earlier been charged with threatening national security. Her office and home were searched on 28 August and her assets frozen.

Nasrin Ghanavi, Sotoudeh's lawyer, told the Campaign that Sotoudeh was summoned to Evin Prison court on charges of “propaganda against the state,” and “collusion and gathering with the aim of acting against national security.” Ghanavi accompanied Sotoudeh to the court summon on 4 September but was not permitted to be present during questioning. After her questioning, Sotoudeh was arrested and held in Evin prison.

“This arrest is nothing more than a crude, arbitrary political move to make it more comfortable for the Iranian government to persecute its citizens,” stated Aaron Rhodes, a spokesperson for the Campaign.

A few days before her arrest, Sotoudeh told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran how the authorities were creating bogus tax problems for human rights lawyers as a way to provide pretexts for their prosecution.

“I was referred to the taxation bureau and while there I noticed in addition to my name, they are conducting special investigations into thirty human rights lawyers,” she said. Sotoudeh provided Shirin Ebadi's tax bill of hundreds of thousands of dollars on her Nobel Peace Prize money as an example, noting as well the irony that human rights cases were all represented on a pro bono basis, and none of the lawyers receive any money from the clients they defend in human rights case. ”The accusation machine is continuing to work fast, further limiting the conditions for human rights defense. The ultimate goal is to shut down all defense of human rights,” she added.

As a member of the Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child, Sotoudeh defended victims of child abuse. She has also defended journalist Issa Saharkhiz and human rights activist Parvin Ardalan. Following her attempt to save the life of Arash Ramanipour, who was hung in January 2010 for crimes he had allegedly committed under the age of 18, she went on record to reveal the illegal process of conducting his execution. At that time, she was threatened that if she publicly spoke on the cases she represented, she would be arrested.

She has also opposed the “Family Protection Bill,” legislation under consideration by the Iranian Majlis (Parliament) that would allow men to marry additional wives without the consent of their first wife. The proposed legislation is opposed by many women's rights activists and others as encouraging polygamy. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad supports the bill. The Iranian government has arrested numerous human rights lawyers, including Mohammed Ali Dadkah, Mohammad Oliayifard, Mohammad Seifzadeh, and most recently, Mohammad Mostafei, who was forced to flee the country during his defense of Sakineh Ashtiani, sentenced to be stoned to death.

“Nasrin Sotoudeh needs to be restored to her family and to her vocation, and the Iranian authorities must end their transparently illegal attack against human rights lawyers,” Rhodes said.

Iran: Registration of "Temporary Marriages" Voted Down

Fadmin — 2010-08-31T17:54:05Z

The controversial Family Protection bill was dealt a blow at the Islamic parliament today as one of its articles outlining legal registration of "temporary marriages" was voted down. ILNA reports that Article 21 of the new bill failed to pass through the parliament with only 45 votes in favour of it. The article was one of the points women's rights activists objected to in the so-called Family Protection bill.

The Family Protection bill was first introduced into the parliament three years ago but protests against some of its articles delayed its ratification.

Recently the parliament has re-focused its attention on this bill which has led to severe criticism from women's rights activists.

The most controversial article of the bill is Article 23 which proposes to further pave the way for men's exercise of polygamy by scrapping the current conditions of first wife's consent and proof of financial means which have to be satisfied before men are allowed to take on a second wife.

Mahboubeh Karami after 6 Months in Detention: I Have Denied all the Charges Brought against Me

Sadmin — 2010-08-30T12:21:23Z

Change for Equality: Mahboubeh Karami a women's rights and Campaign activist who was arrested on March 2, 2010 after security forces raided her home, is now free on a bail order of half million dollars, after spending 6 months in detention. Karami was sentenced to serve 4 years in prison by the 26th Branch of the Revolutionary Courts. In an interview with the site of Change for Equality, Mahboubeh spoke about her time in Ward 2 of Evin prison, managed by the Revolutionary Guards.

What happened on March 2, 2010?

On that night I was at my home along with my father and brother. Around 11 pm someone rang the door bell. When my brother answered, the person behind the door explained that he was a technician from the electric company and asked him to open the door. My brother went to the front yard and I could see from the window that three men approached him and showed him a piece of paper. They entered our home along with my brother. As soon as they entered our home one of them began to search the premises. Another asked to see my computer.

What was on the piece of paper they showed your brother?

It was a summons giving them the right to search the premises, to seize my personal property, such as books and papers and my computer and to arrest me. But these security officials did not only search my personal property, they searched the entire house, including my brothers belongings.

After your arrest, where were you taken?

They asked that I go with them and in response to my brother's repeated inquiries about why I was being arrested they kept saying that it's not an important issue and they only want to question me. But these three men who had come to my house in the middle of the night intended to arrest me. The fact that they were three men and there was no woman with them was worrisome for both myself and my family. They took me to the car and gave me a blindfold and pushed my head down to the ground and in the end they took me to Evin prison, to Ward 2. Of course, at first I didn't realize that this was Ward 2, which is managed by the Revolutionary Guards. Anyhow, I was taken to solitary confinement. The following day, my interrogations began.

Prior to the start of the interrogations, did they explain to you why you had been arrested?

Unfortunately no one explained anything to me. The first time they took me to the interrogation room, I noticed that the walls were mirrored. Later I found out that they referred to that room as the mirrored interrogation room. The female prison guard who had taken me to that room, left me there and I sat on the chair in the room. After a few minutes a man entered the room abruptly while yelling and screaming at me. He was very violent and from the minute he entered the room, he yelled “GET UP! Who has allowed you to sit?” I got up, but he continued his constant shouting “stand up straight! Don't lean on the wall!” He was cursing. I became very anxious and nervous. He kept yelling, “tell me the password to your email!” and he continued cursing at me. Finally I realized that the reason for my arrest was my association with the “Human Rights Activists Group,” because all his questions were in this relation.

You said that the room they took you to was the mirrored interrogation room. Why did they call it the mirrored room?

The walls were covered in mirrors. Later I found out that when they left me alone in the room and even when I was being interrogated, there were people behind the mirrors watching.

What happened next?

After the first interrogation, another interrogator was sent. He tried to have a more pleasant approach. I was interrogated on an almost daily basis, and remained in solitary confinement. This continued for several weeks. I was under a great deal of pressure emotionally. One day, I asked the prison guard to bring me my scarf. I explained that the blanket they had given me had a lot of hairs on it and that I wanted to use my scarf as a sheet between my body and the blanket. She brought me the scarf. I tied the scarf around my neck tightly. I was tired and extremely weak. I was crying constantly and my emotional state was extremely poor. I pulled on the knot of the scarf, tightly, that eventually, I passed out. When I came to, there were two guards standing over me, and they were rubbing my neck. After that they took me to the interrogation room again. The first interrogator came to the room and began explaining that all that was happening to me was actually my own fault and a result of my own wrongdoing.

Despite having attempted suicide in prison they didn't take you to a doctor?

They took me to the prison infirmary and there they didn't do anything in particular for me. More than anything, I needed a psychologist or psychiatrist or a therapist, not a general doctor.

Were you provided phone privileges during your imprisonment?

Yes. Almost every other day I was allowed to call my brother or my aunt, who has been very worried about me since the passing of my mother.

How long were you in Ward 2 of Evin managed by the Revolutionary Guards?

Approximately 80 days. Of course during this time, I was transferred also to solitary confinement in the women's ward. I would be taken from there to Ward 2 for my interrogations.

Last March (2009), you were also in prison during the Iranian New Year's holidays, is that true?

Yes . Last March 2009, I was in prison and arrested for no reason. My mother was extremely sick with cancer and I missed out on being with her during her final days. This year for the New Years, despite all their promises, they did not allow me to attend the memorial services for my mother. They didn't even give me the clothes my family had delivered to the prison in the hopes that I would be allowed to take part in her memorial service on the anniversary of her passing.

Where did they send you after Ward 2?

After 80 days I was transferred to the quarantine section of the female ward. I spent another 18 days in solitary confinement there and did not have the right to make any phone calls. My lack of communication worried my family greatly. After that they transferred me to the public women's ward. I spent all my days in the public ward in one room along with 25 other prisoners. We were in a room that is called the political prisoner's room.

Did you feel better after going to the public Ward?

Naturally, I felt much better than when I was in solitary confinement. But I had become very weak and extremely depressed. I was crying constantly.

Did you receive any medical care during this time?

After I submitted a written request I was taken to the medical examiner, who determined that I was suffering from depression. Of course he has also determined that my emotional state and my depression would not prevent me from serving any prison sentence that may be handed down in my case. Except for this, no other action was taken to provide me with treatment in prison.

During your imprisonment, there were news reports that you had to go for a nose operation in Taleqani hospital, but you did not agree to the operation. Can you explain about this?

I have had problems with my breathing since I was a child. For this reason I am a difficult sleeper. In prison I made a lot of noise while sleeping as well. Sometimes I would snore, but at times I would scream while sleeping. My screaming was so bad that my cell mates had to wake me up. They took me to the hospital for this reason and the doctor suggested that I have an operation which would allow me to breathe more easily. I did not agree to the operation, because prison conditions are not suited for a recuperation after operation. Also, my problems were much more serious than just breathing difficulties.

During this time, your court date has been changed on two occasions. Can you explain about that?

My first court date was scheduled for the 29th of June, but was postponed because on that day most court officials were on holiday and there was no one present to respond to our inquiries either. The second time, the Judge was not present in his chambers and as such the date of my hearing was postponed again.

What were the charges brought against you in court?

I was charged with holding a position of responsibility in an illegal organization (the human rights activists group), accepting responsibility of the women's committee in this group with the intent of disrupting national security, spreading of propaganda against the state, collusion and gathering with the intent to commit a crime against national security and the publication of lies.

Did the court find you guilty of all the charges against you?

I was only acquitted on the charge of spreading lies, but was found guilty on all other charges. I was sentenced to two years for membership in the human rights organization and two years for collusion and gathering and spreading of propaganda against the state. In total I received a four year mandatory prison sentence.

So, you have been sentenced to four years. What will you do next?

I will appeal the ruling. Currently because of my poor emotional state and on doctor's orders I will have to be hospitalized. But my lawyers will appeal the ruling in the time frame allotted by the courts. I do not accept any of the charges brought against me and have denied them.

Note: Pictures are from visits of Campaign activists with Mahboubeh Karami after her release. The first picture is of Mahboubeh with her ailing father, who suffers from advanced Alzheimer's disease. Mahboubeh was his sole care giver prior to her arrest.

Maryam Bidgoli and Fatemeh Masjedi Sentenced to 1 Year Mandatory Prison for Activities in the Campaign

Sadmin — 2010-08-29T15:22:32Z

Change for Equality: Maryam Bidgoli and Fatemeh Masjedi, Campaign and women's rights activists in Qom, have been sentenced to a one year mandatory prison sentence by the Second Branch of the Revolutionary Courts in the city of Qom. According to the verdict issued by Judge Mousavi, these two activists were found guilty on the charge of “spreading propaganda against the state, through collection of signatures for changing discriminatory laws and publication of materials in support of a feminist group (Campaign) which works in opposition to the Regime.” In court, Fatemeh Masjedi denied the charges brought against her and explained that the One Million Signatures Campaign is an independent social movement and that her activities were in line with the law and that she is only seeking to change law, an act allowable through dynamic jurisprudence. Maryam Bidgoli too denied the charges pending against her, and explained that she worked on a volunteer basis in the Campaign which seeks to collect signatures for a petition directed at lawmakers. She also explained that no other court had found the Campaign and the activities within it to constitute a violation of the law.

To date, all the activists in the Campaign who have been summoned or arrested on the charge of spreading of propaganda against the state, have been acquitted of the charges brought against them either in their initial court hearings or in appeal.

Mina Jafari and Mahnaz Parakand the lawyers representing these two women's rights defenders have drafted their objection to the court ruling and will be requesting an appeal within the timeframe allowed by the courts.

Training of 406 Persons in Four Cities over the Past Year

Sadmin — 2010-08-29T07:09:56Z

Change for Equality: The One Million Signatures Campaign has from its start in August 27, 2006, focused its efforts on both signature collection and awareness-raising and education. For this purpose training workshops for new volunteers have been held consistently. These workshops address the history of the women's movement, past activities of women's rights activists, the context and reason for the creation of the One Million Signatures Campaign, the impact of discriminatory laws on the lives of women and provide volunteers with the skills necessary for engaging in face-to-face discussions and education. In the first years of the Campaign three committees were established to carry out the trainings of the Campaign for new volunteers. They included: the Volunteers Committee aimed at recruiting and following up new volunteers and introducing them for the Campaign's training workshops; the Training Logistics Committee, which identified space and organized trainings; and the Trainings Committee which carried out facilitated the actual trainings. Each workshop lasted approximately five hours and three different trainers/facilitators were charged with conducting the different parts of each of the trainings.

After some time the activists in the One Million Signatures Campaign decided to expand the trainings they provided moving beyond just the trainings on the Campaign. These new trainings were designed to increase knowledge and awareness of new volunteers, and included gender awareness tarinings and prevention of violence against women. Also, because of the security pressures that Campaign activists were faced with, it became apparent that Campaign activists were in need of information on their rights. As such trainings on citizens' rights and the rights of the accused were added to the array of trainings provided by Campaign organizers. Later, writing workshops were held to improve the writing skills of new volunteers. In the past year trainings on the marriage contract (additional stipulations women can outline in their marriage contracts which gives them certain rights not provided within the law) were added to the trainings offered by Campaign organizers to interested volunteers.

In the past year, activists working in the training section of the Campaign have conducted additional trainings as well, such as training of trainers, where volunteers learn facilitation and training skills, so they can also provide trainings for new Campaign volunteers. Despite all the changes in the Campaign and Iranian society and despite the passage of four years since the inception of the Campaign, trainings have remained a core component of the Campaign's activities and they are intent on raising awareness and skills of new volunteers.

Despite the fact that the past year, because of the post election unrest, increased security pressures and closure of public space, was a difficult year for Campaign activists and Iranian society as a whole, 15 trainers in the Campaign trained 406 volunteers through a variety of workshops, which were held in four cities.

The following is a report of the trainings provided in the past year (August 2009-August 2010)

Training to familiarize new volunteers with the Campaign:

In the past year 154 new volunteers participated in trainings on the Campaign, which included information on the Campaign's aims, the laws the Campaign seeks to change, and face-to-face education techniques. These trainings were carried out in Tehran, Isfahan, Rasht, and Sari, with the participation of 10 trainers/facilitators. 91 persons were trained in Tehran.

Training on preventing violence against women:

This training provides participants with the skills to understand violence and violence against women (VAW), different types of violence, the cycle of violence and strategies for preventing violence.

Over the past year, 91 persons were provided training in this subject, in the cities of Tehran, Isfahan, Sari and Rasht. Seven trainers/facilitators conducted these trainings. 32 persons received these trainings in Isfahan. Ten of these persons were trained on writing about violence, in workshops by two trainers/facilitators.

Gender Sensitivity Training:

This training provides participants the opportunity to learn about the difference between sex and gender, gender in the social context, gender inequity and gender discrimination, gender equality and gender equity as well as strategies to change the status quo.

Over the past year 78 persons were trained in this subject by 5 facilitators in the cities of Tehran, Rasht and Sari. 48 of those receiving training did so in Rasht.

Citizen rights and the rights of the accused Training:

This training provides participants with basic understanding of their rights and responsibilities as citizens and their rights if they are accused of a crime or arrested.

Over the past year, 46 persons were trained in this subject with the participation of 4 trainers/facilitators in the city of Tehran.

Marriage Contract Training:

Participants in this training learn about the rights they can demand upon marriage and as part of the marriage contract—rights that are not provided to women by law, but can be stipulated as part of the Marriage contract between current or future spouses.

Over the past year, 20 persons received trainings on this subject. The trainings were conducted by two trainers/facilitators in Tehran.

Training of Trainers:

This training is designed for those interested in becoming trainers within the Campaign. These trainings were provided in Tehran and Rasht. Over the past year 17 individuals participated in these trainings in the cities of Rasht and Tehran. The trainings were conducted by 2 trainers/facilitators.

Creative writing workshops:

Participants in this workshop learn about creative writing techniques. This workshop helps participants who are interested in writing about their experiences for the face-to-face section of the Change for Equality website and are intent on relaying their experiences with discrimination or their discussions with the citizens they approach to sign the petition of the Campaign. Over the past year, ten participants took advantage of this workshop which was conducted by one trainer/facilitator.

It should be noted that all those involved in organizing and providing trainings do so on a volunteer basis. All trainings are held in the homes or offices of volunteers. Because of security pressures and the possibility of arrest organizing these trainings is an extremely difficult task.

Four Years of Engaging Face-to-Face on Women's Rights

Sadmin — 2010-08-29T07:04:08Z

Change for Equality: When we first started the One Million Signatures Campaign, we realized that the effort was unique. We were intent on raising awareness about women's rights and the impact of laws that discriminate against women at the grassroots level by engaging in face to face discussions with ordinary citizens. At the same time, we realized that the Campaign would serve as a valuable experience for activists as well, who would be afforded the opportunity to learn from citizens and especially from women. We hoped the experience of these face to face discussions would allow us to amplify the voices of women and reflect their concerns. Further, we realized and hoped that the Campaign would serve a catalytic role in engaging a whole new generation of activists interested and concerned about women's issues who had remained on the sidelines of the fight for equality. We hoped that the Campaign would be able to provide a space for the activism of a younger generation of Iranian women and offer an opportunity for training and empowerment of a new generation of women's rights activists, who benefiting from access to higher education, could not coalesce the dichotomous nature of their status in society—second status as defined by the law and rapid upward mobility resulting from social and educational advancement of their generation.

In reality and as it turned out, the Campaign opened the floodgates of activism on behalf of women's rights, not only for younger women, but also for an older generation of women, who had never engaged in social activism or who disenchanted by the prospects for change had withdrawn from the social sphere long ago. These older women joining the Campaign had however experienced in their personal lives the challenges of living in a patriarchal society and had quietly suffered or witnessed the suffering of other women which results from the imbalance of power and the inequalities promoted by law. The Campaign too provided an opportunity for men to become active and lend their support to the women's movement, especially young men, who felt that gender equality was a prerequisite to a democratic and just society. Reaching beyond borders, the Campaign has also served a catalytic role in connecting women's rights activists in Iran, to women's rights activists in the Diaspora, bridging the divide of space, time, ideology, experience and background.

From the start, activists began writing about their experiences of engaging in face to face discussions with fellow citizens and collection of signatures in support of the Campaign's petition. By harnessing the power of the internet, the only form of broad communication available to the Campaign, we began to reflect these experiences in almost real time. The translated writings which appear on the English site of the Campaign represent a small selection of nearly 300 pieces written by activists and published in the Face to Face section of the website Change for Equality, which is published in Farsi.

Face-to-Face Engagement an Experiment for Empowerment

These personal accounts reflect in the first instance the process of empowerment of activists, resulting from their agency—an agency that is civil in nature, proactive and positive. The process of empowerment as reflected in these personal accounts usually entails a decision to take concrete action to improve ones own condition and to invite others to take action, either through a simple signature in support of the petition of the Campaign or further involvement in this broad effort. Countless activists, many of them entering the Iranian women's movement through the Campaign, have discussed the self confidence they have gained through the experience of engaging with fellow citizens—a self confidence that comes from putting your beliefs to the test, being able to support your aims through dialogue and discussion, and inviting others to take action. What has also been a positive aspect of this empowerment has been the unique opportunity of three generations of women, with differing levels of experience, working side by side and learning from one another. The unique characteristics of the Campaign within the context of Iranian history, has created an opportunity for women from differing backgrounds, different ideologies and political beliefs and different generations to work and learn along side one another. Here no one can claim to have the greater experience. Each generation brings with it unique and valuable skills and perspectives, adding to the diversity and impact of the Campaign.

Interestingly enough, activists who set out to collect signatures for the petition of the Campaign, have in these writings pointed to the fact that they usually start with their immediate circle of friends and family. Besides being a logical starting point for action, this approach speaks of the need for activists to gain the moral support of those closest to them and to gauge their level of commitment to a cause and the realization of a goal for which activists are willing to pay a high price. Also, starting from what is familiar, provides activists the opportunity for trial and error—an activity that helps build confidence in the difficult task of approaching strangers on the street, with whom they may have little in common.

Additionally, the pressures that activists involved in the Campaign have felt from the start too may have something to do with the value placed on this aim. How much support will I receive if I were to be arrested? No doubt, this possibly is an underlying question behind the efforts of activists to get their friends and family to support the Campaign as well. While in these writings few address the stress and concerns of this type of public action, which may end in arrest, in private discussions the fear and concern is prevalent and readily sensed.

Amplifying Women's Voices

In these accounts too, activists have relayed their discussions with women they approach. These activists have used the forum provided to them by the Campaign to tell the story of the pains women have suffered as a result of unjust laws—stories and tales, struggles and woes which may go unnoticed or untold otherwise. Dealing with the agony caused by a polygamist husband, the loss of custody of children as a result of divorce, the long struggle to obtain divorce, dealing with violence, etc., these accounts have all been documented by writers of the Face to Face Section of the Change for Equality website, serving as tangible supporting evidence to the need to change discriminatory laws. Writers in these tales relay the process of connecting with ordinary citizens and developing relations of trust and by retelling the stories of ordinary women these activists demonstrate their commitment to amplifying the voices of women who have little recourse in their struggle for justice.

At the same time, these accounts point to two contradicting trends in Iranian society, as demonstrated by the reaction of those approached to sign the petition of the Campaign. First is the fact that social advancements and cultural norms outdate and are far ahead of the existing laws. Those who fall into this category tend to support the Campaign's petition by signing it or becoming more actively involved. To the pleasant surprise of activists on occasion they encounter citizens who have already signed the petition or who have heard of the effort and had been waiting to join in some way. Then there is the second group, who still does not believe in the legal equality of men and women. These individuals can sometimes be convinced to support the Campaign's demands through tangible examples provided by activists, but there are others who hold firmly to their patriarchal beliefs, driving home the point that awareness raising is as important, if not more important a goal as signature collection.

Documenting Developments in the Women's Movement and Strategizing around Security Pressures

There are indirect results to this process of documenting face to face experiences which are remarkable in and of themselves. In the first instance, this effort has worked to document the developments in the Campaign and therefore the Iranian women's movement. While one can claim that the site of Change for Equality, and other sites related to the Campaign have all worked to document the developments in this broad and significant effort within the larger Iranian women's movement in an unparalleled manner, the Face to Face section of the site, because of the breadth of writers and stories and its sheer volume is noteworthy in and of itself. If examined chronologically these writings shed light on developments within the Campaign, both the personal developments I have addressed above including the building of skills among a new generation of women's rights activists, but also developments in the women's movement. For example, a chronological examination of these writings points to the ebbs and flows within the Campaign, periods of pressure, the negative impact of security pressures in limiting and constraining signature collection efforts, and the innovative responses by Campaign activists who have consistently worked to multiply their points of impact, when faced with security pressures and limitations.

While signature collection was first introduced and mainly promoted as a door-to-door activity, it soon became apparent that with security pressures and the possibility of arrest it was not possible to carryout door to door initiatives broadly and with great freedom and security, so activists focused more of their efforts on private gatherings. Realizing that this approach had its limits—focusing on immediate circles most accessible to activists—Campaign activists decided that their presence in the public sphere was indeed necessary to bring about the cultural and legal changes desired. While the women's movement in Iran has for nearly a decade now actively discussed strategies for street politics, including protest, it has never been successful in carrying out a sustained presence in the public sphere—that is until the Campaign. The Campaign is the first initiative to be first and foremost focused on the public sphere as its point of impact. Given the un-treaded nature of such an approach and the security pressures on the Campaign as well as limitations imposed by the prospects of arrest, but the commitment of maintaining a strong presence in the public sphere and on the streets, activists focused their signature collection efforts on public spaces where women could be found, such as the transportation system, open markets, and shopping centers. Further in an effort to support younger activists who may be arrested during signature collection, the Mothers Committee made up of older activists was formed and signature collection of younger activists was coupled with the older activists. More experienced activists also began to partner with newer volunteers. In the end, and through a process of trial and error intent of centralizing and prioritizing our presence in the public sphere, and identifying new and alternative spaces group signature collection drives were initiated. While these collections were at first limited to smaller circles of friends and colleagues working in the Campaign, in time mechanisms were established to broaden the scope and invite new and old activists to take part. Those interested in group signature drives could connect with one another to set up a time and place to meet, through an email listserve, making the process of networking, sharing of experiences in the network of the Campaign, a horizontal, peer-to-peer, un-facilitated and immediate process. The process worked so well that it served as a new form of organizing the activities of the Campaign for some time. But still with the arrest of several members during one group signature drive, activists once again began to work in small groups.

Despite the intensification of pressures on activists and Iranian society as a whole following the disputed Presidential elections in June 2009, signature collection is still carried out in small groups. But to address the need for broader awareness raising activists have focused a considerable amount of attention on holding small workshops as well. In the past year alone, over 400 persons were trained in a variety of issues related to women's rights, including on the Campaign and how to collect signatures.

Another important aspect of the Face-to-Face section of the website of Change for Equality has been the medium it has provided for expression of support for those who are arrested in relation to their activities in the Campaign. These personal and often emotional accounts in support of imprisoned friends and colleagues, have served as a strategy for defending our common cause and insisting on the legitimacy of the Campaign's goals and strategies. At the same time, these writings worked to raise awareness about the situation of activists inside prison, and to maintain their presence in the news media. The most difficult but important task when an effort faces crackdown is demonstrating support for those imprisoned and keeping the focus of the media on those who are unjustly imprisoned. In other words, keeping the memory of those in prison alive and ensuring that others in the movement remain committed to the cause. We see now, that many other groups, including journalists, political activists, human rights activists, student activists, etc, who have faced increased crackdowns in the last year, too have utilized this technique which was born out of the necessity of keeping Campaign activists in the news and brining attention to the pressures and arrest of younger and lesser known activists.

Activists who were imprisoned too came in direct contact with female prisoners, many of whom had faced challenges posed by discrimination and discriminatory laws, which contributed significantly to their incarceration. Several of these activists decided to write about the women they met in prison and how these encounters strengthened their resolve to continue on with their struggle for equality. Some of these writings were dictated by phone to colleagues outside prison, bringing attention to the need to change discriminatory laws and much publicity for the cause of the Campaign as well.

Providing Space for New and Young Activists

A cursory examination of the backgrounds of Campaign activists demonstrates that they are largely new to the field of women's rights activism. Many had tried in the past to enter the women's movement, but were unable to connect with women's NGOs or found those NGOs unable to absorb new volunteers. Some NGOs, based on written or unspoken policies, remained relatively closed to the participation of younger and unknown activists, prior to the start of the Campaign. Many of the younger activists involved in the Campaign did come to this movement after being involved in the student movement, but they too lament that the space provided in the University had often been less than receptive to their attempts at raising the subject of women's rights or even less encompassing issues related to female university students. As such, the Campaign provided an opportunity for a whole new generation of women's rights activists to begin their activism on behalf of their legal demands.

The site of Change for Equality, by providing space and by publishing writings of younger activists, took solid steps toward breaking the hegemony of the small number of women's rights activists who had received exposure through their writings in reformist publications, women's publication and websites related to women's issues. In so doing, this site has given visibility and voice to unknown but impassioned activists with much to say. The Face to Face section of the Campaign's website in particular has played an important role in breaking this hegemony. The simple and straightforward nature of the writings in this section work to promote a desire for writing rather than dissuade new writers and activists from relaying their experiences and ideas. The breadth of writings in this section and the range of new writers and activists who have utilized this medium to express their concerns and to relay their experiences are proof enough that the women's movement is much broader than the few who had in the past had the opportunity to write and be published.

Likewise, this trend has worked to break the hegemony of a small group of activists and writers who through their writings and connections had managed to gain international acclaim. For the first time, a group of relatively internationally unknown younger activists participated in AWID's international forum in Cape Town, South Africa, November 2008, where they had the opportunity to present on the work of the Campaign. One international women's rights activist correctly noted that "while we have been discussing for years the concept of participatory and inclusive leadership in our women's movements, the activists in the One Million Signatures Campaign in Iran have accomplished this goal.” Still the Campaign has a long way to go in terms of breaking the hegemony of some better known women's rights activists nationally and internationally, but it has taken solid and positive steps in opening up this space for younger and newer activists, and promises to hold lessons for women's rights groups nationally and internationally.

The Future of the Campaign in an new Political and Social Environment

With the migration of several well known women's rights activists in the past year from Iran, much has been said about the crisis facing the women's movement or its inability to push for its demands and readjust them in the new political environment. Much of this discourse is emanating from a few activists who are better known and respected internationally and in my view intent on convincing an international audience of their own centrality in the viability of the Iranian women's movement. The reality is that if the women's movement in Iran and the Campaign are facing a crisis, it is not any different than, nor is it apart from the crisis faced by the Iranian society at large. How the women's movement ends up positioning itself with respect to the larger movement for democracy in Iran and future political and social developments is a question that we have all grappled with over the past year and will continue to struggle with in the years to come. But this is a task that is best suited for activists on the ground to decide on. Certainly the women's movement's positioning will become clear with the passing of time. It is indeed true that since the disputed presidential elections in June 2009, the accomplishments of the women's movement and the Campaign have not been reflected fully in the media—even our own medias and websites— but this lack of reporting should not be viewed as a sign of dormancy. What has been reported, however, represents only a small portion of what women's rights activists have been engaged in over the last year or so. Still, the fact that Campaign activists have reorganized and changed strategies to focus more on awareness raising, training over 400 activists in the past year alone (when much of Iranian society was embroiled in the post election crackdown), conducting street outreach on special occasions and continuing with their signature collection, drives the message home that both the Iranian Women's movement and the Campaign are alive.

Re-strategizing for an even more difficult and challenging political climate, but maintaining a focus on women's rights and awareness-raising is only a testament to the innovation of the Campaign and the resolve of its activists. So on the fourth anniversary of the Campaign, despite not having reached its goals of signature collection or sweeping changes in the law, the Campaign continues along its path with lesser known and younger activists at the helm, who through four years of activism and experience have learned that a movement can stay alive only if it is decentralized and its structure participatory. In fact, these developments and accomplishments do much to demonstrate that the Campaign and the Iranian women's movement are an active part of Iranian society creating and promoting change—often with ebbs and flows, but nevertheless moving forward steadfastly.

Take a look at the English Face-to-Face Section of the site of Change for Equality

Read the Face-to-Face accounts written by activists and published for the first time in celebration of four years of our presence on the streets and among the public.

People Still Have Hope for the Future

Sometimes People Need to Feel the Pain

These Laws Aren't Discriminatory, they're Supports!!

Collecting Signatures on the Bus

The Never Ending Sorrow of Women and the Cherished Wealth of the Campaign

Note: Some of the activities that Campaign activists have engaged in over the last few months include:

1. Public outreach and education on the streets for March 8 International Women's Day;

2. Public outreach and education on the streets for June 12 the anniversary of the day of solidarity of Iranian women;

3. Producing and publishing a web-based collection of essays examining the relationship of the green movement with the Campaign and the women's movement at large for June 12. It should be noted that websites are still managed from inside Iran, with an internet speed that is so slow it is often mind-numbing; and

4. Publishing a series of interviews on the Campaign in observance of its anniversary, including a report on the training of over 400 individuals and a report of a survey about the impact of the Campaign conducted with approximately 1200 citizens across Iran.

People who Still Have Hope for the Future

Sadmin — 2010-08-29T05:35:59Z

Translated by: Sussan Tahmasebi

Change for Equality: The One Million Signatures Campaign will celebrate its fourth anniversary on August 27. In celebration of this auspicious occasion, Parastoo, Mohammad and I go to a park in West Tehran to collect signatures in support of the Campaign's petition demanding changes to discriminatory laws against women. It is always interesting to talk to the public and hear their views on women's rights and try to assess their level of commitment to ensuring women's rights in the family. Without knowing the person you are engaging with, without having any preconceived notion about their views and ideas about women's rights and women's position in the family, you begin a discussion.

You ask them if they are familiar with the Campaign. You wait for their reaction, which varies from person to person. Especially after the elections and the developments that followed, the wave of mistrust that engulfed the public, you understand that you may be faced with cold reactions, but despite your low expectations, and despite the fact that it is the holy month of Ramadan and people are fasting, despite the fact that it is 6pm and it is frustratingly hot, most of those you approach are welcoming of a discussion on women's rights. They ask about the Campaign and how it was formed. Some don't know about the Campaign or its aims.

We explain about the Campaign's accomplishments over the past four years as well as the accomplishments of the women's movement. We talk about the reform of inheritance laws. We explain that women could not inherit land before this recent change, but now they can. We talk about equal compensation paid to women who are injured in accidents, which was adopted in the form of a directive, after years of activism on the part of women's rights activists.

Some of those we approached speak of the Family Protection Bill, which is currently under review in the Parliament. They speake of the broad objections to this Bill and express their concern about legislation which they view to be discriminatory against women and which they believe undermine the foundation of the family. Interestingly enough, most of those who object to this Bill, are men. Still they express hope that with the objections and protest by various women's rights groups the Bill, which they believed promoted temporary marriage and polygamy, will be shelved in Parliament.

Most of the people in the Park, are young men and women and for the most part they are aware of the existing laws and their discriminatory nature. Most agree that inheritance laws should be changed so that women and men both receive equal inheritance and believe that women and men should be provided with equal dieh (compensation for bodily injury or death), and are opposed to polygamy, which they view as contributing to the destruction of families. With respect to women's equal right to divorce, men talk about Mehrieh (a sum payable to the wife upon demand and stipulated in the marriage contract). These men explain that if a woman was to forgo her Mehrieh that they would have no objections to equal rights of women to divorce. Many believe that to create change in these laws we also need to create change at the cultural. This change needs to come from within our immediate circles they point out. In line with the aims of the Campaign which contends that education and awareness raising are key to creating change, these discussions point to the fact that if we can influence people's thinking then we can change unjust and discriminatory laws as well.

There is a woman in the park, who is fully veiled, out with her two young children. We approach her and she reads the petition of the Campaign carefully. She believes that most of the laws that are outlined in the petition are in line with Sharia law and therefore cannot be changed. Parastoo explains that there is a difference between religious scholars with respect to the interpretation of these laws, and that with dynamic jurisprudence and ijtehad these laws can be changed. The woman believes that since the husband is the primary bread winner of the family he should benefit from greater rights, such as dieh and inheritance. But she believes that custody should be given to the parent most suited to care for children.

Two or three hours pass with us in the park. The sun fully sets. Most of those we approach agree to sign the petition of the Campaign and express hope that our Campaign and our education and awareness raising efforts will contribute positively to the equality of men and women.

You see, despite all the problems and difficulties of the last year, our people still harbor hope for a better future.

Note this article was written on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the Campaign for our Farsi site. It was translated for the English site's special celebration of four years of face-to-face engagement with the public.

Sometimes People Need to Feel the Pain

Sadmin — 2010-08-29T05:33:27Z

Translated by: Sussan Tahmasebi

Change for Equality: His face is round and kind and he is always smiling. His hair is grey and he has a big frame. Like many old men, he is loveable.

He is the custodian at our office building, and I know him more than others do. I take the petition of the Campaign and start discussions with my coworkers, explaining what we are trying to do. Some take the petition quickly and return it with a signature, while others require more of an explanation. Well, maybe not an explanation, as much as sensitivity training on gender issues and women's rights. This is natural. Most are men, and they have never felt the pain of discrimination that is promoted by the law. One of my coworkers asks: "so why should I sign this. I'm not a woman."

I laugh and explain about the age of criminal responsibility. "Have you ever considered what happens to children who are tried as adults?" Without any hesitation, my colleague takes the petition and signs it. Sometimes, people need to feel the pain of something before taking action.

He looks at me nervously. He knows that sooner or later it will be his turn. I move towards him. I hand him the petition and start explaining about the Campaign. He shifts his worried and kind stare away from me. With his head held low, he says: "it's too late for me."

"No, it's not too late for you." I reply with a smile. I know that he too must feel the pain of discrimination before signing on. "Think of your daughters, sign it for them." I say in a low voice. He looks at the piece of paper. He is embarrassed. His hand writing is poor, and he does not want me to see it. He takes the petition and begins to read the statement. He adds his name to list of those who have signed. For his legal priority, he writes "the right to divorce." And I understand him.

I understand that he is a father who has suffered through the pain of his daughter's demand for a contested divorce. A pain, which he has felt wholly, so much so, that he does not hesitate even for an instance when writing it down as his priority. He returns the petition determined and triumphant, as if he has taken a huge step for his daughters, for all the girls of this land, who have suffered the bitter pain of not having the right to divorce.

Our glances cross, and we both smile. He is no longer worried about his poor handwriting, rather he is thinking of what he has signed. He is hopeful about the possibility of equality for his daughters and for all the women.

Note: This article was written over a year ago, but translated for the English site's anniversary celebration of four years of face-to-face engagement with the public.